Subj: collins.html
Date: 10/24/99 4:43:09 PM Pacific Daylight Time
From: (Bob Brown)


"1916 Irish Easter

From: Arm The Spirit
Date: 14 Apr 1998 03:17:10 GMT (Page 1 of 10)

Easter Commemoration 1998: Easter Message From The Leadership Of
The Republican Socialist Movement
The following is the text of a statement supplied to the
Socialist Republican Publicity Bureau:
We welcome you here today on the 82nd anniversary of the
1916 Easter rebellion, this date, the most revered in Irish
Republican history is when we as socialist republicans rededicate
ourselves to the ideal of an all-Ireland socialist republic.
We send revolutionary greetings to our imprisoned comrades
in Long Kesh, Maghaberry and Portlaoise, your sacrifice is not
forgotten. To our support groups in Britain, Europe and North
America, your work makes Irelands revolutionary struggle
possible. To the working class communities from where we draw our
support among the unemployed, marginalised and disenfranchised,
we salute you. Your pain is our pain, your anger is our anger,
your struggle is our struggle and your freedom will be our
Today on the 82nd anniversary of the rising, the republican
ideal is facing one of the most despicable attempts to neutralise
and marginalise it. The radical and revolutionary ideals of
Connolly and the national aspirations of Pearse remain under the
twin threat of division and imperialist capitalism. The British
are trying to achieve by stealth and duplicity what they could
not achieve by force of arms, sectarian pogroms and inequality,
the pacification of Irish Republican resistance.
The Irish volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army stood
shoulder to shoulder in Dublin when they took on the might of the
British Empire in 1916. It is that unity that we aspire to; it is
from that unity that we draw our inspiration and determination to
continue the struggle for a socialist republic. An Ireland for
the ordinary people, not for big multi-national business, not for
the Americans, not for the British and not for the capitalist
pan-nationalist front, that is our struggle.
It does not take an Einstein or a learned person to see the
clearly pro-unionist bias of the final 69-page draft of the
Mitchell Treaty. All shades of unionism represented at Stormont
said following its release that at no time from partition has the
union with Britain ever been more secure. Unusually for us we
find ourselves in agreement with them. Despite the weasel words -
the media hype and carefully manipulated euphoria - the outcome
of this flawed political process is a charter for further
conflict. Its very essence is anti-republican, it attacks and
undermines the very premise of the republican ideal. What we are
witnessing is the realisation of the nightmare scenario that
republican socialists flagged up over two years ago.
Events over the past 72 hours showed the real agenda of two
if not all three of the participants in the so-called
pan-nationalist front. Always directed by the need to emasculate
the republican struggle, the Free State government, the SDLP and
their financial backers in America consistently out manoeuvred
and lead a willing Sinn Fein leadership down the road of
The Provisional leadership arrogantly refused to consider a
"plan B" involving a broad republican/socialist front, seeking to
achieve our aims through an unarmed strategy. Believing in their
elitism that there was neither need for accountability to the
republican grass-roots and burning all their bridges as they went
along - the Provisionals ensured that they would have to sign up
to whatever came from this pacification process. Too many
reputations and careers by now depended on it.
What can be said for a Republican Party that can sanction
the introduction of a 66% remission of sentence clause for
political prisoners conditional on their recognising and abiding
by set conditions? Furthermore, how can this self-same party
agree to the continued imprisonment of INLA and other IRA POWs
because they refuse to bend the knee and wish to continue the
struggle against the British occupation of our country?
There is no "green" hue to the final Mitchell agreement
paper. For all the window dressing, and despite whatever Adams
and Hume may try to tell us, the outcome of this process holds
nothing for republicans. Comrades, the republican ideal has never
even been on the table, and we are being asked to believe that
this agreement is some kind of 'stepping stone' to an eventual
united Ireland. This agreement is no more than capitulation to
reactionary unionism and has now put in place a device to
copperfasten partition. Any assembly or cross border body is
another lock that will have to be undone before the final goal of
a 32-county socialist republic can be realised.
Many will try to misrepresent our aims, objectives and
methods, Comrades, let us be clear - we are not against peace, we
yearn for peace. We are not against dialogue, the IRSP have been
engaged in talks with those prepared to talk during the entire
length of the flawed political process.
What we will not and have not done is engage in a process
that ignores Britain's centuries old subjugation of the Irish
nation. A process that has elevated sectarianism and religious
intolerance to an expression of legitimate cultural identity. A
process that has poured hundreds of millions of pounds into our
communities in an attempt to buy our nationality, our socialism
and is meant to quench our thirst for freedom.
That day has not arrived, unfortunately there will be those
who will attempt to convince you that it has or the current
agreement is some type of 'stepping stone' or 'transitional'
agreement towards a United Ireland. That Comrades is rubbish.
The Leadership of the Republican Socialist Movement utterly
rejects that analysis. Just as true republicans rejected the
treaty in 1921. While despair at the action of one section of the
"republican family" is apparent - all is not lost. We are calling
for the mobilisation of republicans and a fight-back from the
Irish nation.
Firstly, in the forthcoming referenda we are calling for a
massive "No" vote. The Irish people must reject any interference
with articles two and three of our constitution. Failure to do so
will leave a section of our nation - the nationalists in the
north-east of Ireland - as stateless citizens living in their own
country. It will also prolong British occupation.
Secondly, we call upon those republicans remaining within
the Provisional movement to send a clear message to the Adams
leadership. They must demonstrate that they will not be
railroaded into accepting proposals that are an assault on
republican ideals. They should display the same courage that they
have shown down the years and overwhelmingly reject this unionist
agreement at their forthcoming Ard Fheis.
Viewing what is being proposed through this process, the
following comment from Sean T. O'Kelly speaking during the debate
on the Treaty in 1921 is very relevant:
"She (England) must laugh to think that while we play with words
she gets adopted the system of government she ever wished to
impose upon us. Let me remind you that we have not got Irish
unity in return for this oath. The two great principles for which
so many have died, and for which they would still gladly die - no
partition of Ireland and no subjugation of Ireland to any foreign
power - have gone by the board in this Treaty."
Our enemies in what ever guise they come, take heed - this
struggle has not been about the Irish working class swapping one
set of foreign capitalist rulers for a home grown version of the
same thing, this struggle has not only been about forcing a
British withdrawal. This struggle is for the liberation of every
man, woman and child in Ireland from exploitation, from
capitalism, from sectarianism and most of all from the yoke of
British imperialism.
We know what is required to achieve a political solution and
therefore peace in Ireland. A British intent to withdraw from the
six-counties coupled with the establishment of an Irish socialist
state. This can be achieved by negotiation but only if Britain is
prepared to negotiate. At no stage in the past three years has
there been discussion centred on the option of a 32-county
socialist republic.
Britain maintains its occupation of Ireland, agreement or no
agreement, by force of arms, whilst that military occupation
continues we reserve the right at any time to engage the British
forces in Ireland and those who target the nationalist working
Through the politics and agitation of the Irish Republican
Socialist Party and the cutting edge and tenacity of the
Volunteers of the Irish National Liberation Army move forward
together, one creed, one class and hasten the day when our aim is
At this grave of so many of our fallen comrades, who made
the ultimate sacrifice in the struggle for Irish freedom and
socialism. Let us salute their sacrifice, for these men and women
were not only soldiers of the republic but ordinary men and women
with families, homes and communities, they were valued by all
In conclusion, I use a quotation from James Larkin. He wrote
this about the Treaty of 1921 but it is equally valid today and
reflects the position of the Republican Socialist Movement.
"It was born in dishonour and shame. It was drafted and signed by
creatures (who) for their own aggrandisement - or because of
ambition and due to their lack of courage signed this unholy pact
under duress. We pledge ourselves now and in the future, to
destroy this plan of a nation's destruction. We propose carrying
on the fight until we make the land of Ireland a land fit for men
and women - a Worker's republic or death."
(Source: Irish Republican Socialist Committees
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
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variety of material, including political prisoners, national
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism,
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